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Belief 3 -
Reading 2 of 31 |
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Navigate within this
Belief: Reading
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Additional Beliefs: Belief 1
Belief 2 Belief 3 Belief 4 Belief
5 Belief 6
Belief 7 Belief 8 |
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FREEDMEN ON THE MISSISSIPPI |
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Harper's Weekly, December 5, 1863,
page 770 (The Lounger) |
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There are two policies of the
restoration of the Union. One is that of the Copperheads, and the other that of the
Administration and the Union men of the country. The first proposes that whenever the
rebel leaders lay down their arms and take the oath to the constitution the National
armies shall be disbanded. The other proposes that, until the country has received some
satisfactory proof that the rebellion is destroyed, and not merely smothered, it shall
hold the rebel district by arms. |
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For instance, we advance into
Georgia. The rebel army, let us suppose, surrenders. The people take the oath. A
provisional Governor is appointed by the National authority, and he orders an election.
Who shall vote? "Why, of course," cry the Copperheads, "those who are
voters under the State Constitution!" Very well. The election is held, and a tool of
Stephens or of Toombs, or Robert Toombs himself, is elected Governor. What will you do?
Shall the Government order General Grant to evacuate George? Is the State restored to the
Union and peace secured? Or if in Mississippi Jefferson Davisunder another name, but
equally false to the Governmentis elected Governor according to the forms of the
State Constitution, is he to be recognized and the troops withdrawn? |
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No citizen of the United States acts
so absurdly in his smallest private matters. Does any body suppose that collectively those
citizens will play the fool? Have they been sending their sons and brothers to be murdered
for nothing? Do they mean to put a premium upon treason and rebellion? If the Constitution
did not enable them to settle the question as it should be settled, their common sense
would supersede the Constitution. The Copperhead theory of the Constitution is simply that
of the rebels. It is, in their view, an instrument to prevent the maintenance of the
United States Government, and to secure the success of rebellion. All the dreary twaddle
about the sovereignty of States is but an echo of Calhouns theory, which was
expressly devised to cover disunion and destroy the National supremacy. |
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The plan which already commends
itself to public approval is that of the Administration. It proposes first to occupy the
rebel States by force of the national arms; then to appoint a provisional governor, who
may order an election. By what authority? By that of the United States. And the same
authoritynot the State Constitutionwill decree when, where, and under what
conditions, that election shall be held. If it result in the election of men who conform
to these conditions, they become the rightful government of the State, because they
represent the people of the State who are loyal to the United States. If these people are
but a tenth of the inhabitants, and can not enforce their authority upon the rest, the
United States Government helps them by force of arms, as it is bound to do by the
Constitution. When that loyal State authority shall inform the Government of the United
States that it is able to maintain itself the national force will be withdrawn. |
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Now the paramount condition of the
election must be the oath against slavery, and this for two reasons. First, because the
only sensible hope of quiet lies in the release of the people of the South from the
control of a slaveholding aristocracy; and, second, because the overthrow of the system is
the end to political intrigue at the North based upon slavery. There is no doubt whatever
that so long as that absurd contradiction of the American principle, and conscience, and
policy endures, just so long the peace of the country will be threatened. Andrew Johnson,
of Tennessee, a Southerner, a slaveholder, a Democrat, expresses the sense of the American
people in saying: "Slavery has been the destroying element which tried to put down
the Government, and the Government should put it down immediately and forever." |
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Harper's Weekly,
February 13, 1864, page 98 (Editorial) |
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