Belief 7 - Reading 10 of 13, The Reconstruction Convention

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Belief 7 - Reading 10 of 13

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STATE OF FEELING AT THE SOUTH

Harper's Weekly, October 21, 1865, page 658 (Editorial)

That the people of the United States may decide wisely whether the exclusive control of the late rebel States may be immediately and safely surrendered to the late rebel population of those States, it is essential to know the prevailing sentiment of that population. This can not be too constantly and widely spread before the country. Let us look at it a little.

In Mississippi an unpardoned rebel, General Humphreys, has just been elected Governor by the "Union" voters, and Governor Sharkey loses his popularity and his chance of election to the Senate, because he favors giving the colored population the right to testify, and local candidates for the Legislature have been defeated upon the same ground. Of the general feeling in the State of Mississippi General Slocum’s order of August 24 very fully informs us. On that date he thought it extremely dangerous to the public peace to allow the arming of the lately rebel citizens as militia. They are, however, arming, and they refuse to organize under the United States flag. Meanwhile the state of things described by General Slocum continues. The colored people are daily murdered and Union men maltreated, and nobody is punished or arrested.

In Louisiana the Democratic Convention resolves that the Government was made exclusively for white men, that rebels ought to be paid for their emancipated slaves, and that there should be a general amnesty and repeal of confiscation laws. It is not surprising, therefore, as we are told by a gentleman from Louisiana, who is neither "a radical" nor "a Jacobin," that the continuance of the national hold upon that State is absolutely essential to the public peace and personal safety of Union men. His statement is confirmed by the letter of a prominent citizen of New Orleans to a Western paper, that "no Union man, that is to say, no man approving the war for the salvation of the country is safe in this State."

From Georgia our private information is of the same kind. "Withdraw your troops," said in our office within a few days the editor of a Union paper in that State, a man faithful through the war, "and we white Union men will swing within the next hour." Another Georgian informs us that he has been twice shot at for his known Unionism.

In Alabama the reorganizing Convention refuses to submit the new Constitution for the approval of the people; and from a total population of 964,000 excludes 437,000 from any computation in the basis of representation.

In South Carolina the ordinance of secession is simply repealed, leaving it lawful to renew it when the State chooses, and out of a total population of 730,000 there are 412,000 excluded from computation in the basis of representation.

From Alabama a correspondent in Mobile, a native and life-long resident of the city, writes us:

"I know well who the few loyal men were here during the war, and how bitterly and relentlessly they were persecuted by the citizens and military—especially by the Provost Marshals, Major W. H. Ketchum and H. G. Humphreys. The secessionists now cry, ‘Let us bury the past!’ They send on delegates to Washington, and are received with favor; the leading men are coming back daily with their pardons—get very indignant with the military—request the President to order it from the country, and let the people govern themselves, and are preparing to commence their reign of terror once more. The reports about loyalty here are all humbug; I have only heard of two really loyal meetings in the State—one at Decatur, Alabama, on the 3d June; and one at this city on 6^th June…The various offices here, even under the General Government, are full of bitter rebels, and they openly boast of their Confederate proclivities. If you attempt to sing any of the national airs you are shunned. Very few of the steamboats will carry the flag; the ladies will not walk under the head-quarters flag, but leave the sidewalk and walk in the street. In the street cars loyal men are openly denounced, which makes it very unpleasant for their families. In fact, the criterion the Mobilians use in judging any one is—What did he do in the Confederate cause? And those who did most are thought of. The newspapers boldly say that those who did not go ‘heart and soul’ into the war should not be entrusted in office now. This accounts for such men as C. C. Langdon being elected to the State Convention. Mr. L. made a celebrated ‘Black Flag’ speech in this city a few days before Spanish Fort was taken. The papers here refuse to publish any article showing up the disgraceful conduct of the rebel leaders here during the past four years. When the Daily News started here it contained loyal articles, but the editor soon saw that such a course would never do for a Mobile paper, and has lately been publishing such articles that Major-General K. Garrard threatened to suppress his paper. Unfortunately General Garrard was ordered away from this post, and the authorities now seem to encourage rather than rebuke such sentiments. You have no idea of the tyranny that has existed here. Every male from seventeen to fifty years old was permanently enrolled in the army, and on the slightest emergency every body who could carry arms was forced into the trenches or to do guard duty in the city."

It is into such hands that General Slocum and the Democratic party are anxious that the Government of the United States should, within thirty days, resign the authority it now holds in the late rebel States. It seems to us that General Slocum and his new recruits have very little respect for the common-sense of the American people.

Harper's Weekly, October 21, 1865, page 658 (Editorial)

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