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Belief 4 -
Reading 4 of 8 |
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Belief: Reading
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Additional Beliefs: Belief 1
Belief 2 Belief 3 Belief 4 Belief
5 Belief 6
Belief 7 Belief 8 |
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Harper's Weekly, July 29, 1865,
page 466 (Editorial) |
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| A familiar cry is heard from the
unorganized States. It comes from orators and papers which have been heard before.
"Just let us alone. That is all we want. As for the negroes we know them better than
any body else, and we must be permitted to manage them." |
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| Except for the seriousness of the
situation there would be something exquisitely humorous in this grave assertion. It is
exactly what we have heard for the last twenty years. When it was perfectly evident that
the spirit and policy of slavery were endangering the welfare of the country, a firm and
vigorous protest was raised by a sagacious citizens who did not mean to connive, under any
pretense whatever, at the national ruin. Then came the answering shout from the party of
slavery: "Let us alone. It is our affair. We know the negroes and understand how to
manage them. Le us alone." And many honest minds were deceived by the appeal. |
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| Then came secession. The en who had
cried so lustily "Let us alone" while they were plotting, cried still more
solemnly "Let us alone" when they were ready to consummate the crime. Their
armed effort has been abortive but bloody. It is necessary for them to recur again to arts
and intrigues, and so we hear the same old cry, "Let us alone. Let us alone." |
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| And who echo this cry? Those who in
1860 said that the Government had no right to maintain itself by arms. Those who in 1861
said that the war was really occasioned by the loyal States, and that the Government ought
to compromise with treason and conciliate rebellion. Those who in 1862 said that our
erring sisters should be allowed to depart in peace. Those in 1863 stimulated a
counter-revolution. Those who in 1864 went to Chicago and declared the war a failure.
Those who at the end of 1864 were politically annihilated by the American people at the
polls. |
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| What is the object of the cry? The
overthrow of the Administration and the policy which directed the war, and the return to
power of that alliance of Southern leaders and Northern followers which brought on the
war. That alliance, we are told, secured peace to the country. Yes, it secured peace at
the price of national honor and by delaying a struggle which delay embittered a
thousand-fold. It secured peace as a man secures solvency by paying fifty per cent a day
for the money he borrow. It secured peace as he does who puts his nose into the fingers of
a bully and obsequiously succumbs to his kicks. And when the peace was broken, who broke
it? When war began, who began it? Who justified those who began it? Who hoped and worked
for their success? Those who now tell us that while they had the power they kept the
peace. Those who we know when they lost the power broke the peace. They gave the country
peace as a highwayman gives his victim life, on condition of obedience. "Just give us
power again, fellow-citizens," they cry, "and you will see how we will keep the
peace." Their fellow-citizens have already seen. Enough is as good as a feast. |
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| The late rebels say that they know
the negroes a great deal better than any body else. How have they proved it? By enslaving
them with unparalleled barbarity. By outraging every human right and feeling. By so
treating them that, when the war come, every one of the people they "knew so
well" instinctively turned against them, and hailed the enemies of their masters as ,
for that reason, their own best friends. A society which is so ignorant of human nature,
of history, of divine justice, and of the laws of political economy as to suppose it can
treat half of its members as brutes without danger to the general welfare, when its
foolish assumption has ended in tits own blood and ruin, might at least affect modesty of
opinion if it does not feel it. There was never a class in the world which knew so little
of another as the slaveholding class at the South knows of the slaves. Its ignorance has
cost us a civil war; but it has also fortunately apprised us that such ignorance is a
mortal peril. |
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| And what are the late slaveholding
class now doing to show us how perfectly they understand the negroes? The Southern States
are paralyzed. They can be reinvigorated only by labor. The negroes are the laboring
population. They are native to the soil and the climate, and they are free. Common sense
indicates the only policy. The inevitable facts of the case should be cordially accepted.
Liberal wages should be paid. Hones contracts made. Just measures adopted to provide
education and equal rights for the most substantial part of the population. In a word, the
public prosperity should be secured and public peril avoided by the simplest and most
obvious equity. But, instead of this, farmers are offering five dollars a month to freemen
who, as slaves, could hire themselves and make fifteen dollars a month. White people are
gravely enacting that colored people shall not testify; shall not control their own
children; shall not bear arms; shall not vote; and are surrounding them with disabilities
for which there would seem to be no legal redress. And all the while the class at the
South which has made educating slaves a crime protests against the fearful ignorance of
the colored people; and those who have disgraced labor and degraded the laborer, and have
themselves never lifted a finger to work, now complain that the negro is a dreadfully lazy
fellow, and will work only upon compulsion. |
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| In truth the class which wished to
be "let alone" in its assault upon the Union and Government, unchanged and
unsubdued, now wishes to be "let alone" to reorganize itself upon its obsolete,
inhuman, and dangerous prejudices and passions. It hates the Union; it hates free labor
and free society; it believes in its interpretation of the Constitution and in State
sovereignty as much as ever. The spirit of this class is the cancer of the country. If the
country wishes peace it will not let it alone. |
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| Harper's Weekly, July
29, 1865, page 466 (Editorial) |
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